Bidya Bhandari’s China visit and the push for communist unity

Nepali politics, which has always been turbulent and transitional, now finds itself at yet another crossroads. The former President, Bidya Devi Bhandari, is set to embark on an official visit to China on May 24—her first high-profile foreign engagement since leaving office. Of late, Bhandari has been seen as a figure capable of uniting communists under one roof.

It is not hidden that China wants to bring all Nepali communist forces together under Bhandari’s leadership. Chinese diplomats have repeatedly raised this issue, hoping to bring the CPN-UML, CPN (Unified Socialist) and CPN (Maoist Center) under one umbrella. They believe that a united front of these major factions could attract smaller communist groups as well.

Against this backdrop, Bhandari is leaving for China on May 24 at the invitation of the International Department of the Communist Party of China. She will be accompanied by her former chief personal secretary, Dr Bhesh Raj Adhikari, chief of CPN-UML’s foreign department and a few other leaders. This visit could have far-reaching implications for Nepal’s internal politics and regional diplomacy.

Chinese President Xi Jinping is reported to have encouraged Bhandari to lead efforts to unify Nepal’s fragmented communist movement. China’s message is clear: unity among communist forces is essential for progress. They see Bhandari, a former UML vice-chairperson and widow of Madan Bhandari, as capable of rallying the movement. There have also been party-level discussions between the Communist Party of China and the CPN-UML. Formal training sessions have been held in both countries. This level of engagement is significant and reflects China’s broader geopolitical interests.

While there is debate within the country about Bhandari’s return to active politics, she has signaled her willingness to step in if needed. Former Vice President Nanda Bahadur Pun reportedly returned to active politics as per the advice of Chinese leaders. His return has strengthened Dahal’s camp in the Maoist Center. Many see it as a preparatory move for Bhandari’s return to active politics.

Why China Invited Bhandari

China believes that the fragmentation of Nepal’s leftist parties has weakened the communist movement. During her eight-day visit, Bhandari is expected to meet President Xi, attend official programs and engage in high-level talks. Her visit aligns with China’s broader goal of increasing its regional influence.

China views Bhandari’s political stature as a bridge to unify Nepali communist forces. The International Department of the Communist Party of China often engages with global leftist leaders to foster unity. Bhandari’s visit could be a critical step in accelerating these efforts in Nepal. During Bhandari’s presidency, Chinese President Xi Jinping made a historic visit to Nepal in 2019. Her potential meeting with Xi could further strengthen Nepal-China relations.

Notably, Bhandari’s previous plans to visit China were shelved by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, possibly to balance ties with India and manage internal political dynamics.

Besides politics, the visit is likely to strengthen Nepal-China relations. Discussions may include economic cooperation, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects, infrastructure, and cross-border connectivity, including the Tatopani and Rasuwagadhi points.

Return to Active Politics

Bhandari’s China visit is certain to mark her return to active politics. The visit can elevate her international profile and solidify her influence in Nepal. Though former presidents typically remain apolitical, Nepal’s constitution does not bar them from returning to politics.

Some UML leaders say the ultimate plan is to make Bhandari the executive head of the party and elevate the current executive head to the presidency. They also believe that collaboration among parties will also increase once Bhandari assumes party leadership.

China’s broader regional strategy includes promoting communist unity to further its interests. Nepal’s strategic location between India and China makes it a focal point for both countries. China uses high-profile visits to expand its influence, often causing concern in New Delhi.

Non-communist parties in Nepal view Bhandari’s visit to China as a sign of Beijing’s growing influence in the country. Although the Nepali Congress (NC) historically shared ties with the Communist Party of China, dating back to the BP Koirala era, those relations have gradually weakened since his death. NC leaders now perceive China as adopting an India-like approach in Nepal’s political landscape, using high-level engagement to influence domestic affairs. They argue that such involvement could further destabilize Nepal’s internal politics.

India, for its part, continues to monitor China’s activities in Nepal with caution. If Bhandari’s visit prioritizes communist unity or BRI projects, it could strain Nepal-India relations—a scenario Nepal seeks to avoid.

Despite having a two-thirds majority, the current coalition has failed to deliver meaningful development or diplomacy. The recent Sagarmatha Sambaad failed to attract not only influential figures and experts but also heads of state and government. This shortfall has further highlighted the erosion of Nepal’s diplomatic standing on the global stage.

Fragmentation of the Communist Movement

Communism has long influenced Nepal’s political landscape. Leftist parties like UML, Maoist Center and Unified Socialist are influential in Nepali politics. However, ideological and leadership divisions have weakened the movement. While communists remain influential, fragmentation has prevented them from surpassing the NC as a united force.

Disillusionment with traditional communism has created ideological uncertainty. The fear of decline has prompted some within UML to advocate a return to Madan Bhandari’s principles. They saw Bhandari as a key figure in this revival.

Party splits in Nepal are influenced not only by internal politics but also by regional geopolitics. India, China and the US all have vested interests in Nepal. China, in particular, is pushing for unity among Nepal’s communists to support its BRI agenda.

In 2018, Chinese efforts led to the unification of UML and Maoist Centre into the Nepal Communist Party (NCP), creating a powerful communist bloc. However, leadership conflicts between UML Chairperson KP Oli and Maoist Center Chairperson Dahal led to its dissolution. This split gave rise to the Unified Socialist and other smaller groups.

Leadership rivalries, rather than ideology, were the primary cause of that dissolution. Oli, Dahal, and Unified Socialist leaders like Nepal and Khanal all vied for dominance in the party. Although ideological differences exist, such as UML’s parliamentary focus versus Maoist revolutionary goals, these are often secondary to power dynamics.

Conclusion

Bhandari’s China visit marks more than just a diplomatic engagement; it may be the curtain-raiser for a new political role. Her presence on the international stage may boost her stature, but it also puts her and Nepal under a geopolitical microscope. If this visit leads to a genuine, inclusive leftist revival that strengthens Nepal’s democracy and development trajectory, it may well be a moment of historic consequence. But if it becomes another episode in Nepal’s cycle of factionalism, or a proxy battle between foreign powers, the impacts could be destabilizing.

Nepal must, therefore, carefully manage Bhandari’s visit to maintain diplomatic balance and ensure internal political stability. The visit could provide an opportunity to unify Nepal’s communist movement and elevate Nepal-China relations to new heights. However, it may also pose new challenges to Nepal’s relations with India and its internal political dynamics. Therefore, the former president must address these issues with great care.